The effect of the Qur’an and Hadith an concepts of Islamic philosophy2

Usages of the world “kalam” as literal and dialectic formula in history of Islam
Kalam, or ilm al-kalam (the science of kalam),is a title of that branch of knowledge in Islam that is usually translated as “ speculative theology”. Literally, kalam means “speech, “talk” or “words” yatakallam fi means to talk about or discuss a matter or topic. In an early usage of the word kalam in this sense, the Prophet is reported to have come out and found a group of Muslims yatakallamuna fi’l-qadar i.e. taking about, or discussing, predestination. The opposite of takallama fi is sakata an –to keep silent about –such a matter or topic. The word occurred in other traditions and continued to be used in the same sense even when discussion on theological matters had become more extensive and specialized. A statement by Malik (d. 179/7950 explains the connection between such discussions and the word kalam in its lexical meaning. He said: “Beware of innovations…., those who talk about [ yatakallamun fi] the names and attributes of God, His Word, His Knowledge and Power, and not keep silent [yaskutun] about things about which the Companions of the Prophet and their following have kept silence.” As a jurist, he also stated: “I do not like kalam except in what involves amal (action), but as for kalam about God, silence is better than it.”

Kalam here means discussion on theological matters. As M. Abd al- Raziq has rightly observed, such discussions were called kalam before the science of kalam became independent and recorded in writing, and people who engaged in such discussions were also called mutakallimum. When books were written about these issues, the science which was written down was given the title that had been applied earlier to such discussions.

Given reasons as title of “kalam”
In Islamic sources a number of reasons were offered for giving such a title to the science of kalam. Taftazani (d. 793/1390) put together such reasons as follows:
1. Traditionally the title that was given to the discussions of any separate issue, was al-kalam fi katha wa katha (an exposition of/ a chapter or section on).
2. The question of kalam Allah (the speech of God ) was the most famous question and one gave rise to the most disputes.
3. The science of kalam generates in one the power to talk or discuss religious matters and impress one’s arguments one one’s rivals as logic does in the field of philosophy.

As regards the first reason, it is true that chapters in such early books as al- Ibanah of al- Ash’ari (d. 324/935) and al- Mughni of Abd al- Jabbar (d. 415/1024) bear such titles but these words appeared much later than the name of kalam as a science. The same can be said of the second reason, since the title was well known before the discussions on kalam Allah (the createdness or otherwise of the Qur’an). Similarly, the third suggestion refers to the stage when logic and Greek philosophy became well known and influential in the Islamic cultural milieu in the third/ninth century, after the title of kalam had become well established. Other suggestions were put forward which can be explained science in the second / eighth century.

Western scholars view on usage of the term “kalam”
Western scholars, on the other hand, argue for a non Islamic origin of the term kalam as being derived from the Greek dialexis used by the Church Fathers, one or logos, directly or via Syriac, but none of the arguments for such views appears to be conclusive. The term in Islamic culture predates any presumed contact with Christian, Greek or Syriac sources and in any case kalam, as will be explained below, is not the only term used by Muslims for this science: six other terms were used. The most plausible explanation for the appearance of this term remains the original lexical meaning as used in the above –mentioned prophetic traditions.

Specific way of “kalam”
J.van Ess considers that not every discussion on any religious question can be considered part of kalam, rather kalam requires a specific way of treating religious issues: it is a treatment where it is necessary to have an adversary in the discussion. Kalam “means a procedure” where you have a discussion about a topic that usually occurs according to a certain structure by question and response, frequently built up in the form of dilemmas. Van Ess cites a risalah, ascribed to – Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn- Hanafiyyah, an anti –Qadarite resalah, which he dates at 73/692, to exemplify kalam in this sense as a dialectic formula which begins by posing a question, in the form of a disjunction: whichever choice the adversary makes, he loses, and is trapped in a position which is either manifestly untenable or identical with that of the questioner.

As to the question of dates, Michael Cook has convincingly argued that the ascription rests on the sole authority of the Zaydi Imam al- Hadi (d.298/9/10) that many of the arguments advanced by van Ess are questionable and the result could not be said to constitute proof, suggesting that it would be difficult to sustain a date later than the first half of the second /eighth century. The persistence in using the dialectical formula for such a lengthy risalah and the fact that the style of the text is so clearly different from the style of al- Hasan in his other Risalat al- irja make it more difficult to accept the ascription to al- Hasan on the sole authority of al- Hadi.

On the basis of this risalah, van Ess argues that the form was borrowed from Greek sources, while Cook, on the basis of a Syriac text similar in form to that of the risalah, argues that the origin for the risalah was Syriac.

Dialogue on “kalam” between Ibn Abbas and Kharijites
Without going here into the question of any relationship of Islamic culture to either Greek or Syriac, it is difficult to agree that Muslim writers had necessarily to resort to either source to become acquainted with such a formula, or that it did not exist in their culture. In fact we have a piece of argument dated much earlier than the dates suggested by either van Ess or Cook: that is the dialogue between IbnAbbas and some Kharijites who rebelled against Ali.

On being sent by the Caliph Ali to argue with them, Ibn Abbas asked: “What do you have against Ali?” They answered “Three things: one, he set men as judges fi amr Allah, while judgment is only for Allah, two, he fought but did not take captives or booty. If his enemies were believers it would not have been lawful for him to fight them, and if they had been unbelievers, he had the right to kill and take them captive. Three, he abdicated his position as Amir al-mu’minin. If he was not Amir al-mu’minin he must be Amir al-kafirtn”.

Ibn Abbas asked: “If I cite from the Qur’an and Sunnah what refutes your argument, would you come back to him?” They replied “Why not?” To the first question he cited Qur’an 6: 95 and 4 :35 in which it is enjoined that arbiters be set up to decide on the price of a here killed in the haram and in marital disputes, and put to them: “Do you consider giving men authority to decide in matters of the blood of Muslims and reconciliation better, or to decide on the price of a hare or a matter involving whether it is lawful for a man to have intercourse with his wife?” They conceded the point. As to the second point that Ali fought without taking captives or booty, Ibn Abbas asked the Kharijites “Would you take your mother A’ishah captive? If you say she is not our “mother” you would be unbelievers, so you see that you are cornered between two unlawful things. Have I answered your arguments over this?” They said yes. “As to your objection that he abdicated the position of Amir al- mu’minin, I can cite what the Prophet did at Hudaybiyah when the representative of the Quraysh did not accept Ali writing This is what has been agreed between the Messenger of Allah and …..to which Abu Sufyan and suhayl objected If we had known you were a messenger of Allah we would not have fought you ‘ at which the Prophet said to Ali, Wipe hat out and write “This is what has been agreed between Muhammad, son of Abdallah and Abu Sufyan and Suhayl.” At this point, two thousand of the Kharijites changed their position and did not fight Ali.

In this dialogue both the Kharijites and Ibn Abbas use the disjunction formula, at a time much earlier than that of the risalah van Ess and Cook cite to suggest a non-Muslim origin for the formula.

Van Ess view that kalam must involve such dialectical structure does not agree with the Islamic view of kalam. The dialectical situation and disjunction formula are of course part of kalam but are not the only form it takes. Throughout the history of kalam theological writings with different characteristics have also accepted as part of kalam.

As mentioned, kalam has not been the only title given to this science as an independent subject. As many as seven names in Arabic have been used for it, which is perhaps unknown in any other science, and many suggest that reservation regarding kalam shown by such scholars as Malik continued afterwards.

The names used for the science of “kalam”
1. One of the oldest titles was gives by Abu Hanifah(d. 150/767), in the second /eighth century, who named it ilm al-figh al-akbar. Figh is a Qur’anic word (9:122) and this shows the relationship between kalam ans figh. The adjective al-akbar shows the superiority of matters related to the principles of the faith over practical aspects of the Shari’ah.
2. ilm al- kalam: this is also one of the oldest names. Ja’far al-Sadiq (d.148/765), Abu Hanifah(d.150/767), Malik (d.179/795) and Shafi’i (d.204/819) are said to have given their opinions on kalam and the mutakallimun. This title seems to have been the most common and enduring.
3. ilm usul al- din: another early title which is based on the division of religious knowledge into usual and furu( roots and branches). This title was used by Ash’ari (d.324/935) in his al –Ibanah an usul al- diyanah and by al- Baghdadi (d.429/1037) in his Usul al- din. The faculties of theology in Al-Azhar University, for instance, are called kulliyyat usul al- din.
4. ilm al-aqa;id: a later title dating perhaps from the fourth/tenth century. This names appears in the works of such writers as al-Tahawi (d.331/942), al-Ghazzali (d.505/1111). al -Tusi (d.671/1272) and al- IjI (d.756/1355).
5. ilm al-nazar wa’l-istidlal: this was mentioned by Taftazani in this introduction to Sharh al-aqai’d al-nasafiyyah. The title used to be given in early kalam books to the first introductory chapter, which discusses proofs and the methodology of ilm al- kalam. This can be seen in the Usul al- din of al- Baghdadi (d.429/ 1037) and al-Mughni of Abd al- Jabbar ( d. 415/1024). Perhaps because of the importance of the methodology of kalam, the title was applied to the whole science.
6. ilm al-tawhid wa’l-sifat: so called probably because of the importance of the Unity and other Attributes of God. This appears in the introduction to Sharh al-aqa’id al-nasafiyyah by Taftazani.
7. ilm al-tawhid: this being the most important article of faith in Islam. This title was used by Muhammad Abauh(d.1323/1905) in his Risalat al- tawhid, and became more common amongst modern theologians.

As ilm al- kalam became an independent science various definitions of this term were introduced, the following definitions, gives at different times in the history of kalam, are often quoted.

The earliest definition for “kalam”
Amongst the earliest is that by Abu Hanifah (d.150/767), who gave it the name al-figh al-akbar and stated: “fiqh in usual al- din is better than fiqh in furu al-ahkam. Fiqh is knowledge of the beliefs and practices which are permitted and which are obligatory in both. What relates to beliefs is called al-fiqh al-akbar and what relates to practices is simply al-fiqh.”Such distinctions influenced later Hanafi theologians such as al- Nasafi (d. 537/1142), and the knowledge involved in both types of fiqh is that which is based on traditional (naqli) or rational (aqli) proofs.

The definitions of Farabi, Baydawi, Ibn Kaldoun and Muhammad Abduh
Al-Farabi (d. 339/950) makes the distinction between kalam and fiqh and defines kalam in his Ihsa al-ulum as: “a science which enables a person to support specific beliefs and actions laid down by the Legislators of the religious and to refute all opinions contradicting them.” Al- Baydawi (d.680/1281) and al-Iji (d. 756/1355) give the definition of kalam as: “a science which enables one to establish religious beliefs, by adducing arguments/ proofs and banishing doubts”. Ibn Khaldun (d.807/1404) defines kalam as: “ the science that involves arguing with rational proofs in defence of the articles of faith and refuting innovators who deviate from the beliefs of early Muslims and Muslim orthodoxy.” In the modern era, Muhammad Abduh (d.1323/1905) gives the following definition:

The science that studies the Being and Attributes of God, the essential and the possible affirmations about Him, as well as the negations that are necessary to make relating to Him. It deals also with the apostles and the authenticity of their message and treats of their essential and appropriate qualities and what is incompatibly associated with them.

The first stages of “kalam” in the Qur’am and prophetic method
The earliest stage of kalam in Islam is surely to be found in the Qur’an itself. Kalam in its technical sense involves providing rational proofs to establish the articles of faith. This is, in fact, an essential feature of the way the Qur’an treats theological subjects. In the first verses that were revealed, we read: “Recite, in the name of your Lord, who created, Created man from clots of blood…….” (96:1-5). This shows the power that takes creation from one stage to another, later on the various stages of embryonic development are show, from the germinal fluids, through and death, to show that He who can do this can also take a person through the further stage of resurrection after death(22:5-7,23:12-16)

The rational basis of the Qur’anic arguments about resurrection
Resurrection is dealt with on many occasions in the Qur’an. The following example has been discussed by the two Muslim philosophers, al- Kindi and Ibn Rushd who analysed the rational basis of the Qur’anic arguments for resurrection in these verses: Is man not aware that We created him from a little germ? Yet he is flagrantly contentious. He answers back with arguments, and forgets his own creation. He asks: “Why will give life to rotten bones?” Say: “He who first brought them into being will give them life again: He has knowledge of every creation, He who gives you from the green tree a fire when you light your own fires with it.” Has He who created the heavens and the earth no power to create their like? That He surely has. Has is the al- knowing Creator. When He decrees a thing, He has only say: “Be,” and it is. (36:77-82)

Without being a book of theology that provides a systematic analysis, the Qur’an dealt with all the issues that were discussed in kalam as fully developed later.

Words of Qushayri, Razi, Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Rushd about the Qur’anic basis of “Ilm/al-kalam”
Thus al- Qushayri (d. 465/1072)says, “One is surprised by those who say there is no ilm al- kalam in the Qur’an when the verses dealing with al-ahkam al-shar’iyyah are limited, while those that draw attention to principles of the faith far exceed them.” Similarly, al-Razi (d. 606/1209), a pre-eminent commentator on the Qur’an and mutakallim, points out that discussion is widespread in the Qur’an on tawhid prophet hood and the hereafter. This is because the Prophet had to contend with all manners of unbelievers, atheists, or those who deny the power and predetermination of God, and those who attributed a partner to God, be it from the celestial spheres, like the stars, or the lower spheres, like the Christians and the pagans, and those who denied prophet hood altogether or those who disputed the prophet hood of Muhammad, like the Jews and the Christians, together with those who denied resurrection and so on. The Qur’an discussed the views of the such groups, refuted and answered their claims.

Accordingly he states: Qur’anic verses dealing with al-ahkam al- shar’iyyah are fewer than six hundred, while the rest explain questions of the unity of God prophet hood and refutation of idol- worshippers and various other types of polytheists….If you examine ilm al-kalam you will find nothing in it other than discussions of these questions and refutations of doubts and counter –atguments.

Likewise, Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1327) states that: “ The Qur’an has established the principles of the faith, and also their arguments and proofs. Ibn Rushd, a philosopher who wrote on the Qur’anic methods of proving the beliefs of the Islamic faith, states: “ The whole Qur’an is an invitation to reflect and drew lessons and directs attention to the methods of reflection.”

The Prophet, as the first reference of religious questions
Discussion on religious matters began very early in Islam. We have seen earlier reference to the Prophet coming out and finding a group of Muslims discussing qadar. In fact the polytheists themselves relied on qadar to justify their stand and the Qur’an directed the Prophet to answer them (6:148:16:35), and although the Prophet did not encourage disputation over such matters as predestination, he answered all questions that were directed to him, unless they went beyond human knowledge, like the time of the Hour of Judgment. On such matters he would direct the questioner to what is more useful. What he was asked by a Companion, “When is the hour of judgment?” he replied, “What have you prepared for it?”

The Prophet, as the first conductor of theological discussion with non- muslims
He himself conducted theological discussion with non-Muslims. An example of this is the one he had with the delegation from Najran, headed by their chiefs, al – Aqib and al- Sayyid. When he requested hem to become Muslims and they refused, he commented:

“What prevents you from becoming Muslims is your claim that God had a son and your worship of the cross and eating the flesh of swine.” They asked, “If Jesus was not the son of God, whose son is the then?” and they all argued with him about Jesus He said, “Don’t you know that there is no son who does not resemble his father?” They agreed. He asked them, “Don’t you know that our Lord is living and does not die, while Jesus life has come to an end?” They said, “Yes.” He said, “Do you know that our Lord is guardian over everything and protects and sustains living things?” They said, “Yes.” “Does Jesus have power over any of this?” They said, “No” He said, “Our Lord has formed Jesus in the womb as He wished, and our Lord does not eat, drink, or excrete. “They said “Yes.” He said, “Do you know that Jesus was borne by his mother as a woman bears a child, and she gave birth to him as any woman gives birth to a child. He was fed like a child and he used to feed, drink and excrete?” They said “Yes” So he said, “How could he then be as you claim?” to which they could not give an answer. Discussion on such matters as qadar, the Attributes of God, the nature of belief and unbelief, eschatology and the fact of sinners, continued during the times of sahabah (Companions of the Prophet) and the tabiun (those who following them), laying the foundations for the later of such issues but from going deep into them or forcing the issues.

Important issues of “kalam” concern in forming of kalam and its sects
In order to have a clear picture of the nature of theological discussions in the era of early kalam it would be useful to show it in relation to subsequent eras.

The five stages of “kalam”
We find it suitable to adopt the following scheme in five stages.
1. The beginning, which covers the first and the very early years of the second/eighth century.
2. recording and the emergence of various schools and sects of kalam. This occupies four centuries, approximately from the early years of the second to the end of the fifth/eleventh century.
3. Evolution and mingling with philosophy, which lasts from the sixth/twelfth to the ninth/fifteenth century.
4. decadence and imitation, from the tenth/sixteenth to the end of the twelfth/eighteenth century.
5. The modern period, covering the last two centuries.

Discussions and issues of “kalam” in the first and second stages
In the first stage, discussions dealt only with separate issues of kalam where difference of opinion showed themselves as tendencies that did not develop into “schools” until later. It was during the second stage that the various kalam schools emerged their distinctive features, where all aspects of the science of kalam were discussed and written down.

During the early years of Islam, theological discussions revolved around a number of separate issues. We have seen that discussion of the question of qadar appeared at the time of the Prophet. When the Prophet died, the problem of khiafah (succession) arose and the fitnah (dissent) at the time of Uthman and Ali witnessed the beginning of firaq (sects) with the appearance of the Shi’ah, Kharijites and Murji’ites. The discussions of the last two arose primarily as a result of their understanding of the texts. Some chose to adhere to the literal meaning of texts while others were. Inclined to ta’wil (interpretation) or taking a middle course.

Ways of the Qur’an’s influence on “kalam
The influence of the Qur’an on kalam discussions was due to a number of factors. Firstly, it had discussed all the issues relating to belief in God, prophet hood and eschatology, which were to become the main issues of kalam, supporting its statements with rational arguments. Secondly, it discussed the beliefs and thoughts of other religious such as first paganism, and them Judaism and Christianity. Thirdly, it also called for nazar and tafkir (reflection and thought) making these an obligation in Islam. Fourthly the Qur’an contains verses known as muhkamat (in precise language), and these the Qur’an calls “the essence of the Book”, and others known as mutashabihat ( ambiguous). The ta’wil (interpretation) of this latter category –taken in isolation or understood in the light of the former- was one of the distinguishing factors between sects and schools. Kalam thus originated completely in the Islamic environment and foreign elements came only later as a result of mixing with other nations and also as a result of the translation of Greek texts into Arabic.

The earlyissues of kalam and the emergence of the Kharijites
The emergence of the Kharijites gave rise to an early major issue of kalam, the status and fate of mutrakib al- kabirah: whether committing a gave sin makes a person a kafir (infidel, to be condemned to Hell fire for ever) or not. Here we find that the Kharijites takes the extreme view of considering such a person as an infidel, interpreting in their own way Qur’anic verses that do not agree with this stand. At the opposite extreme, there were the Murji’ites who considered that sinners are still believers and that action is not part of the faith, to the extent that no sins would harm anyone who is a believer and no good deed would benefit an infidel. Again they based their view on Qur’anic verses that promise a good future for the believers and interpreted other verses that contain warnings and threats to suit this stand. Scholars of the sahabah and tabi’un stood up to both the sects basing their views on combining the two sets of Qur’anic verses, showing that a sinning believer remains a Muslim, and that his or her destiny is left with God, who may pardon him or her or give the deserved punishment, but not eternally in Hell.

The question of “qadar” gave rise to two groups: The Qadarites and the Jabriyyah
during the Prophet’s time the question of qadar gave rise to much discussion as to whether people have free will or are under compulsion. This gave rise to two groups. The Qadarites held that people had qudrah ( power) over their actions: some went to the extent of denying the pre-existent knowledge of God in order to remove any compulsion, saying that people perform all their actions without divine assistance. These are the early Qadarites, who should not be confused with the Mu’tazilites who recognized the pre-existent divine knowledge, even though they affirmed people’s freedom and responsibility for their actions. The former group includes Ma’bad al-Juhani (d.80/699) and Ghaylan of Damascus (d.150/767).At the opposite extreme of this argument there were the Jabriyyah, who affirmed the divine power and held that one is under compulsion to the extent that God creates one’s actions, good or bad, and one is like a feather in the breeze without any power of one’s own. Amongst this group al-Jahm ibn Safwan (d.128/745) is the most important representative. Some argued that the Umayyads enc ouraged the Jabriyyah for their own political reasons, but such conjecture is not borne out by the fact that Jahm, as well as Ma’bad, the leader of the Qadarites, rebelled against the Umayyads and were killed by them.

Position of the Sahabah and the Tabin, on the question of “qadar”
Both the upholders of jadr (compulsion) and tafwid (delegation of action and responsibility to man) relied on certain verses in the Qur’an explaining away others. Scholars of the sahabah and the tabi’un argued against both groups, confirming the pre-existent knowledge of God and negating compulsion at the same time, attributing to man power, will and actions with an attitude which takes the middle course between absolute jabr and absolute. Such an explanation was given by Imam Ali, Ibn Umar and al-Hasan ibn Ali.

The question of the Imamate and the emergence
Another issue which has resulted from the beginning in much discussion is the question of the Imamate which gave rise in particular to Shi’ism. In the early stage Shi’ism in general meant affection for, and loyalty to, the ahl al-bayt. This was enhanced by the catastrophe they met at the hands of the Umayyad authorities and particularly at the battle of Karbala, in which al- Husayn, the grandson of the Prophet, was killed, along with other members of the family(61/680). As a result of such events, we find armed rebellions by some and the beginning of such doctrines as the ismah ( infallibility) of the Imams, ghaybah (occultation),raj’ah (return), the mahdiyyah (belief in the coming of the Mahdi as savior of humanity), and the knowledge of the unseen and esoteric interpretation. Some members of the family of the Prophet preferred engaging in the pursuit of knowledge and the education of followers rather than in politics, such as Ali Zayn al-Abidin (d.114/ 732), Muhammad ibnAli (Ibn al-Hanafiyyah) (d.81/700), al-Baqir (d.114/732) and intellectual imamah, combining the function of spiritual guide and faqih mujtahid. The only exception was Zazd who rebelled against the Umayyads and was killed in 125/742. Extreme views grew at the beginning of the second /eighth century, and were opposed by members of ahl al-bayt themselves such as al- Baqir and al- Sadiq.

In addition to the previously mentioned theological questions, by the time of the early Abbasids, others question came to the fore such as the createdness or uncreatedness of the Qur’an, the Divine Attributes of the World and other Attributes in general as regards their existence and connection with the Divine Essence and its Unity. In fact, by this time, all essential themes which were to constitute ilm al-kalam had arisen. As ilm al- kalam grew and the different sects and schools appeared, and some mutakallimun began to adopt methods of argument that are different in style from those from of the Qur’an, some began to question whether it was lawful to engage in kalam discussions.

Opponents of the usage of the kalam
When Abu Hanifah forbade his son to engage in debates on kalam, he said to him, “Why do you forbid for what you engaged in yourself?” To which he replied, “When we engaged in that, we all fell silent, fearing that a speaker might err, whereas you engaged in these discussions, each one of you wishing his companion to slip and fall into. Whoever whishes this falls into the same trap.

Some considered it unlawful in view of some hadith that disapproved of it because of such negative characteristics as the neglect of traditional proofs or the fact that so, the mutakallimun questioned the faith of opponents or because of the employments of Greek logic. This is seen in the reported disapproval of kalam by the leaders of Sunni schools of law as well as traditionists, such as Ibn Qutaybah and some reservations even scholars of kalam such as al-Ghazzqli in his al- Jam al-awamm an ilm al- kalam, and then Suyuti in his Sawn al- mantiq wa’l-kalam an fannay al- mantiq wa’l –kalam.

Supporters of kalam
On the other hand, three were supporters of kalam, some of whom went to the extent of making it an obligation on Muslims, relying on the fact that it supports the creed and stands against doubters and opponents. Al- Ash’ari wrote his treatise entitled Istihasn al-khawd fi ilm al- kalam, in which he refuted the opposite views and defended his own. Support came also from many other scholars, including al-Amiri, al-Ghazzli, al- Subki, Ibn Asakir and al- Bayadi, who argued that the Prophet’s objection was to discussions on the Essence of God and those that involve debating with the wrong motives or without knowledge or which would lead to acrimony, since the Qur’an itself is full of verses that deal with theological issues and produce rational arguments for them. The debate was finally resolved by the fact the numerous scholars, throughout the Islamic era, of various schools, came to engage in theological discussion and created this very important science in Islam for with theological colleges are now well established in the main Sunni and Shi’ite centers of learning.

Equilibrium of aqi(reason) and naql(tradition) in anrising the sects of kalam
In discussing the various stages and schools of kalam it is important to consider the type of arguments employed and the attitude of the mutakallimum to such arguments. In early kalam both traditional and rational arguments were given due weight. We find at first people like al-Hasan al- Basri, Ja’far al-Sadiq, Abu Hanifah and al- Thawri relying on both, even though the traditional proof comes first for them.

D. Putting “aql” before “naql” in the Mu’tazilites’s view
When the Mu’tazilites came they raised the status of aql (reason) almost making it equal to naql (tradition), as can be seen from statements of Wasil, who said: “Thus can be known from four sources: the Qur’an, agreed Hadith, rational argument, and ijma.” The rational tendency grew gradually until it gave aql a status which is above naql ,even if they continued to use them both, limiting the field in which naql can be used. This tendency reached its peak with Nazzam, but some moderation followed, at least theoretically, especially as witnessed in the works of Abd al- Jabbar and his followers who tried to go back to accepting the four sources as did Wasil. However, this equilibrium was practically neutralized by the concept of dawr (circularity in argument): since aql is our first means of establishing the truthfulness of the Prophet and the Qur’an, if one later puts naql above aql one is undermining the very means which led to the acceptance of naql.

Rational proofs in the Qur’an
But this argument would have made better sense if the Qur’an had consisted only of a sacred text to be followed without questioning. However, the verses of the Qur’an are not merely sacred texts but can also be viewed as propositions which come with their rational proofs. Why should we not rely on the rational proofs that occur in the Qur’an, even when they are seen to be more convincing, closer to the hearts of men, and less inclined to convolution and polemics, then the traditional arguments of kalam? IbnRushed, for instance, who was above all a philosopher, examined the Qur’anic methods, compared them to those of the mutakalimum and found them to be better, for both scholars and the general masses at the same time. Ibn Taymiyyah also observed that reli gion consists of issues and proof, as did Ghazzali and al-Juwyni.

Equilibrium of “aql” and “naql” amorg Ash’arites
The Ash’arites began by taking a balanced view between naql and aql in the days of Ash’arites and Baqillani, when they stated that there were five ways to knowledge: aql, Qur’an, Sunnah,ijma’ and giyas. Al- Maturidi again recognized two sources, sam (Qur’an and Sunnah) and aql, but the scale tended to favour aql, when the concept of dawr infiltrated into Ash’ari kalam, from al-Juwayni onwards until it reached its peak with Razi. Al Amidi tried to return to some balance, as did Abd al-Jabbar but the concept of dawr had been deeply too rooted. It was such developments that led Ibn-Taymiyyah to write his book, al- Muwafaqah ( “harmony”) or Dar ta arud al-aql wa’l –naql (“Rejection of the conflict between aql and naql”) in which be criticized the methods of al- Razi, al- Amindi and others who put aql before naql.

The early kalam in the Qur’an
The earliest kalam is to be found in the Qur’an itself which treated theological issues supported rational proofs. It was chiefly their ways of understanding the Qur’an and way their view related to the Qur’an position that differentiated theological sects and schools. The early kalam was closest to the Qur’anic position which was generally adopted in the discussions of the ulama of the sahabah (Companions of the Prophet), the tabiun (those who followed them ), and their followers in the first centuries, the Sunni schools as well as the Imams of ahl al- bayt and whoever followed their lead without neglect or excess.

The Qur’an, as the basis of schools of kalam
In this Table, The Qur’anic position is placed in the middle, sine it is the origin of all the schools of thought and is taken as the criterion against which each is measured. The basis of this horizontal arrangement is twofold: (1) the predominance of ithbat (taking the text at face value ) or tashbih ( anthropomorphism) on the right hand, and the predominance of tendency to ta’wil (interpretation) and tanzih ( transcendence) on the left hand (2) tendency to adhere to naql (proof from tradition) on the right hand and that of adhering to aql (rational proof) on the left hand. The diagram thus shows horizontally the extent of nearness or distance from the Qur’anic viewpoint which combines aql and naql also ithbat and tazih. The length of the vertical lines shows the variations between these vertical groups in their adherence to each of naql m ithbat or aql and tanzih.

Relationship between schools of kalam, aql, naql and “Tashibih” and Tanzih”
For instance the Zaydis are the nearest to salaf amongst the least in group that tend towards aql and tanzih, and the least in going deep in that direction, whereas the Isma’ilis are the most committed to aql and most deeply devoted to philosophy to the extent of ta’til ( stripping of all attributes) even though they given this the form of batin (esotericism) and ta’wail. On theright hand side, the Maturidis are nearest to this Qur’anic middle position, followed by others up the Hashwiyyah, who are at the same time most committed to naql and ithbal.

B. Features of the Quranic position
The Qur’anic median position is characterized by the following features:
1. It takes the middle course between aql and naql giving the highest authority to revelation, but this does not mean neglect of aql since the text of the revelation itself includes rational arguments which conform with it.
2. Lack of excessive ta’wil, which is done only in accordance with the rule of the language and the usage of Shari;ah, negating, at the same time, meanings that involve anthropomorphism, thus achieving ithbat without tashbih tanzih without ta’til.
3. Accepting sound traditional dalil (proofs), beginning with those from the Qur’an, followed by those from ijma then the mutawatir hadith, then accepting ahith whether sahih or hasan and rejecting the weak and forged hadith.
4. Adherence to the Shar’ah in its totality without raising practical furu to the status of the principles of the faith.

Relation of the term of kalam with its stages
The development of theological term reflects the various stagesof development of ilm al- kalam. Again, early kalam was closest in Qur’anic terms. In a study on early Islamic theological and juristic terminology (M. Abdel Haleem, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 65 (1)(1991): 5-41.) I discussed Kitab al-hudud fi’l –usul by Abu’l –Hasan ibn Furak(d.404/1015) (The first book on usul to be terminology written by a Sunni author. The first known work on kalam terminology was by Abu Hatim Ahmad ibn Hamdan al- Razi, an Isma’ili Shi’I author who died in 322/933 but, it different in that it is not on hudud per se, like Ibn Furak’s work, which is still the first of its kind in this respect (op.cit:6)) And a number of other works including al-Mubin fi sharh ma’ni alflaz al-hukama wa’l-mutallimun by Sayf al-Din al-Amidi (d.631/1233), which give some indication of the development of kalam terminology in their period. By usul Ibn Furak clearly means usul al-din (theology) and usul al- fiqh (jurispudence). The relationship between the two types of usul was strong from the beginning. Abu Hanifah’s book al- Fiqh al- akbar is on kalam. The term usuliyyun was, moreover, used for scholars of both subjects. A continued tradition of combining the terminology of both subjects was observed even after kalam became strongly connected to philosophy ( Ibn Furak,op.cit: 9. ) and Ibn Furak’s book is significant for combining the terms of kalam and usul al- fiqh. This was an early phase of kalam (al- kalam al-qadim) before it become connected with philosophy (al- kalam al-jadid). Early scholars such as Ibn Furak and other authors who followed his approach, such as Ibn Taymiyyah, seem to have wished to relate usul al-din to usul al- fiqh, keeping away from the approach of Greek logic (Ibn Taymiyyah writing a refutation of the latter), unlike other authors such as al-Ghazali, al-Razi and Nasir al- Din al- Tusi.

The fact that al- Hudud is an example of the early kalam is confirmed by the introductory terms which deal with al-ilm and al- nazar etc. These are also to be seen in the works of such early authors on kalam as al-Baqilllani and Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi, whereas later works usually begin with more philosophical terms like al-wujud wa’l-adam or al-ashkal al- arba’ah as we seen in Tusi’s al-Tajraid, or mix the earlier terms of ilm, nazar, etc with philosophical ones, as did al-Razi in his Muhassal afkar al- mutaqaddimin wa’l-mutakhkhirin. It is, moreover, noticeable that most of the terms Ibn Furak defined are of Qur’anic origin, e.g. ilm(1), nazar (6),kasb(19),ibtida and iradah (35,36) rather than from Greek philosophy .From number 58 t0 number 100, far instance,(i.e. forty-three term) there are four terms that can be said to be non- Qur’anic words(70,73, 77, 90). Thus Qur’anic words are not less than ninety per cent the whole. This contrasts sharply with al- Amidi where the percentage is clearly much lower. A comparison between al-Hudud of Ibn Furak and al- Mubin of al- Amidi (which is on philosophical and kalam terms) is interesting: the former has 133 definitions, 98 of which are kalam, the latter has 223 definitions. Out of the 98 on kalam in al-Hudud only 26 (twenty per cent) can be found in al-Mubin. Al- Amidi died 230 years after Ibn Furak, and both men were Sunni authors. Our comparison here may serve as an indication of how far “the new kalam” moved towards adopting philosophical terminology.

In discussing the various stages and schools of kalam it is important to consider the type of arguments employed and the attitude of the mutakallimum to such arguments. In early kalam both traditional and rational arguments were given due weight. We find at first people like al-Hasan al- Basri, Ja’far al-Sadiq, Abu Hanifah and al- Thawri relying on both, even though the traditional proof comes first for them.